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Tradição e Modernidade na Baixa do Cassanje, 1961
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Em Angola, o ano de 1961 foi marcado por uma crise social e política, que teve
como antecedente próximo a mudança do paradigma que se repercutiu no plano colonial
e jurídico e que levou à instituição do sistema das regedorias e, ao mesmo tempo, à
designada revolta da Baixa do Kasanji.
A causa dessa perturbação foi provavelmente determinada por motivos sociais,
culturais e políticos, a saber: oposição dos povos à aculturação portuguesa; resistência ao
regime do indigenato, cuja prática promoveu à inversão dos valores de família, pedra
angular do cristianismo; concessão, em regime de monopólio, para a cultura e a
comercialização do algodão à empresa Cotonang - Companhia do Algodão de Angola,
SARL; trabalho forçado ou compelido; e a influência de seitas negras, como a de Simão
Toco, de Simão Kimbangu ou, eventualmente, de Maria Nkoie, sacerdotisa congolesa que
incitava os seus súbditos a revoltarem-se contra a presença dos europeus em África, o que
pode ter resultado, nesse ano, na Revolta da Baixa do Kasanji (Parreira, 1990:146).
Em razão estavam as acusações contra Portugal, por ter desenvolvido naquela área
uma economia de trabalho forçado e pela imposição de uma vida de pobreza às
populações locais.
Com a revolta, seguiram-se manifestações com rituais messiânicos, iniciáticos,
cânticos e preces em louvor ao nome de “Maria”, provavelmente como referente cristão
à “virgem Maria” ou a “Fátima”, rainha espiritual de Portugal.
As diferenças comportamentais entre Maholos da RDC e os Maholos da Baixa do
Kasanji eram assinaladas pelos primeiros que mostravam um comportamento alegre e
exuberante e, com isso, espalhavam o seu ideal independentista. Clamavam: “Africa para os
Africanos” e, com isso, pretendiam erigir uma República que unisse, debaixo da mesma
bandeira, a etnia dos Maholos. Os segundos, os Jingas, etnia maioritária da Baixa do Kasanji,
mais urbanizados, mas infiltrados pelo PSA, buscaram na teologia cristã o auxílio de que
necessitavam. Instruíram-se e tornaram-se fortes opositores à aculturação portuguesa.
Assim, o objeto deste estudo é determinar as causas sociais e culturais que
propiciaram transformações sociais e políticas dos povos da Baixa do Kasanji,
favorecidas por alguns partidos existentes em territórios vizinhos, nomeadamente na RDC, ocorridas em tempo anterior do que se convencionou chamar de “A Revolta da
Baixa do Kasanji”, ou seja, entre 1940 e 1961.
In Angola, 1961 was marked by a social and political crisis, which had as a close precedent the change in the paradigm that had repercussions at the colonial and legal levels and which led to the establishment of the system of the regencies and, at the same time, to the designated revolt of Kasanji downtown. The cause of this disturbance was probably determined by social, cultural and political reasons, namely: People opposed to Portuguese acculturation; resistance to the indigent regime, whose practice promoted the inversion of family values, the cornerstone of Christianity; concession, under a monopoly regime, for cotton cultivation and commercialization to the company Cotonang - Companhia do Algodão de Angola, SARL; forced or compelled labor; and the influence of black sects, such as Simão Toco, Simão Kimbangu or, eventually, Maria Nkoie, Congolese priestess who incited her subjects to revolt against the presence of Europeans in Africa, which may have resulted in the Kasanji Uprising that year (Parreira, 1990:146). In reason were the accusations against Portugal, for having developed an economy of forced labor in that area and for the imposition of a life of poverty on the local populations. With the revolt, demonstrations followed with messianic rituals, initiatics, chants and prayers in praise of the name “Maria”, probably as a Christian referent to the “virgin Mary” or “Fátima”, spiritual queen of Portugal. The behavioral differences between Maholos of the CDR and the Maholos of Downtown Kasanji were pointed out by the first who showed a cheerful and exuberant behavior and, with that, spread their independence idealism. They claimed: “Africa for Africans” and, with that, they intended to build a Republic that would unite, under the same flag, the ethnicity of the Maholos. The latter, the Jingas, the preponderant ethnicity of Downtown Kasanji, more urbanized, but infiltrated by the PSA, sought in Christian theology the help they needed. They were educated and became strong opponents of Portuguese acculturation. Thus, the object of this study is to determine the social and cultural causes that led to the ideological contamination of the peoples of Downtown Kasanji, favored by some parties existing in neighboring territories, namely in the DRC, which took place before what was conventionally called “The Uprising of Downtown Kasanji”, that is, between 1940 and 1961.
In Angola, 1961 was marked by a social and political crisis, which had as a close precedent the change in the paradigm that had repercussions at the colonial and legal levels and which led to the establishment of the system of the regencies and, at the same time, to the designated revolt of Kasanji downtown. The cause of this disturbance was probably determined by social, cultural and political reasons, namely: People opposed to Portuguese acculturation; resistance to the indigent regime, whose practice promoted the inversion of family values, the cornerstone of Christianity; concession, under a monopoly regime, for cotton cultivation and commercialization to the company Cotonang - Companhia do Algodão de Angola, SARL; forced or compelled labor; and the influence of black sects, such as Simão Toco, Simão Kimbangu or, eventually, Maria Nkoie, Congolese priestess who incited her subjects to revolt against the presence of Europeans in Africa, which may have resulted in the Kasanji Uprising that year (Parreira, 1990:146). In reason were the accusations against Portugal, for having developed an economy of forced labor in that area and for the imposition of a life of poverty on the local populations. With the revolt, demonstrations followed with messianic rituals, initiatics, chants and prayers in praise of the name “Maria”, probably as a Christian referent to the “virgin Mary” or “Fátima”, spiritual queen of Portugal. The behavioral differences between Maholos of the CDR and the Maholos of Downtown Kasanji were pointed out by the first who showed a cheerful and exuberant behavior and, with that, spread their independence idealism. They claimed: “Africa for Africans” and, with that, they intended to build a Republic that would unite, under the same flag, the ethnicity of the Maholos. The latter, the Jingas, the preponderant ethnicity of Downtown Kasanji, more urbanized, but infiltrated by the PSA, sought in Christian theology the help they needed. They were educated and became strong opponents of Portuguese acculturation. Thus, the object of this study is to determine the social and cultural causes that led to the ideological contamination of the peoples of Downtown Kasanji, favored by some parties existing in neighboring territories, namely in the DRC, which took place before what was conventionally called “The Uprising of Downtown Kasanji”, that is, between 1940 and 1961.
Descrição
Palavras-chave
Angola História Tradição Modernidade Guerra Colonial Baixa do Kasanji Maholos Jingas History Tradition Modernity Colonial War Downtown Kasanji